Gaćinović, Radoslav

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Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan

Gaćinović, Radoslav; Bajagić, Mladen

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gaćinović, Radoslav
AU  - Bajagić, Mladen
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://jakov.kpu.edu.rs/handle/123456789/449
AB  - This paper represents the attempt of the authors to point to the political consequences of the long-term use of the violence on the Balkan by the Albanian separatist terrorist movement towards the Serbs. Its aim is also to point to the great mistakes of western powers which have continuously encouraged the Albanians on the Balkan to use violence. In the second part of the XX century, they have the most directly encouraged the national prepotency of the Albanians, by encouraging them to conduct the Albanian terror, whose ideology is Albanism, and the form is the ultra-right or fascistic terrorism. It took the most intense form in the second half of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century, when the political consequences of that violence warn and threat to the security of the region. The threat to the security of the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century is even more expressed, and the violence over Serbia by some western powers is even more intense. Since the formation of the Serbian state on the Balkan, the Serbs have always struggled only for the existence and survival. By analyzing the historical documents about the expatriation of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija in the last three centuries (1690-2006), one can conclude that from the former Old Serbia (today Kosovo and Metohija), approximately 1.150.000 Serbs have been violently expelled, about 200.000 have been killed, and about 150-200.000 have been converted to Islam. In the Middle Ages there was no special name for this area, except for the general name Serbia. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Albanian separatist terrorist movement represents the great threat to the security on the Balkan, especially after the seizure of 10.887 km2 of the territory of Serbia with the help of the western allies. The Serbs have the constitutional and historical right on Kosovo and Metohija, which is always older than the ethnic right, and the international law is also on the side of Serbia, because the UN Charter forbids the violent seizure of parts of sovereign states. The size of a national community is not determined by its size within one part of the state, but in comparison to the state as a whole, and according to that criteria, the Albanians constitute the national minority in Serbia. No national minority in the world has had the right to its own state. A national community cannot declare itself a nation or a national minority. The political consequences of the effects of the Albanian separatist terrorist movement on the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century warn UN and EU, because the disintegration processes on the Balkan haven’t been finished, according to their opinion, and it is well known that the change of the borders is followed by long and exhausting wars.
AB  - Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da ukažu na političke posledice dugotrajne primene nasilja na Balkanu od strane albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta prema Srbima. Takođe, da se ukaže na velike greške zapadnih sila koje su u kontinuitetu ohrabrivale Albance na Balkanu da primenjuju nasilje. U drugoj polovini XX veka, one su najdirektnije podsticale nacionalnu prepotentnost Albanaca, ohrabrujući ih da sprovode albanoteror čija je ideologija albanizam a forma ultradesni ili fašisoidni terorizam i to najintenzivnije u drugoj polovini XX i na početku XXI veka kada političke posledice toga nasilja upozoravaju i prete bezbednosti regiona. Pretnja bezbednosti Balkana je na početku XXI veka još izraženija, a nasilje nad Srbijom od strane nekih zapadnih sila još intenzivnije. Od nastanka Srpske države na Balkanu Srbi su se uvek borili samo za postojanje i opstanak. Analizom istorijskih dokumenata o proterivanju Srba sa Kosova i Metohije u poslednja tri veka (1690-2006) može se zaključiti da je iz nekadašnje Stare Srbije (današnje Kosovo i Metohija), nasilno proterano oko 1 150 000 Srba, da ih je oko 200 000 pobijeno i 150-200 000 albanizovano, odnosno prevedeno u islamsku veru. U srednjem veku nije postojalo posebno ime za ovu pokrajinu, osim opšteg imena Srbija. Na početku XXI veka albanski separatističko teroristički pokret predstavlja veliku pretnju bezbednosti na Balkanu, posebno nakon otimanja uz pomoć njihovih zapadnih saveznika 10887 kvadratnih kilometara teritorije Srbije. Srbi imaju ustavno i istorijsko pravo na Kosovu i Metohiji, koje je uvek starije od etničkog prava, a i međunarodno pravo je na strani Srbije, jer Povelja OUN zabranjuje nasilno otimanje delova suverenih zemalja. Brojnost jedne nacionalne zajednice se ne određuje njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru jednog dela države, već njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru cele države, pa i na osnovu tog kriterijuma Albanci su nacionalna manjina u Srbiji. Nigde u svetu do sada nacionalna manjina nije imala pravo na svoju državu. Jedna nacionalna zajednica ne može sama za sebe određivati da li je narod ili nacionalna manjina. Političke posledice delovanja albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta na Balkanu na početku XXI upozoravaju OUN i EU, jer se dezintegracioni procesi na Balkanu po njihovom mišljenju još nisu završili, a poznato je da svako menjanje granica prate dugotrajni i iscrpljujući ratovi.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan
T1  - Političke posledice albanskog nasilja na Balkanu
IS  - 3
SP  - 133
EP  - 155
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_449
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gaćinović, Radoslav and Bajagić, Mladen",
year = "2012",
abstract = "This paper represents the attempt of the authors to point to the political consequences of the long-term use of the violence on the Balkan by the Albanian separatist terrorist movement towards the Serbs. Its aim is also to point to the great mistakes of western powers which have continuously encouraged the Albanians on the Balkan to use violence. In the second part of the XX century, they have the most directly encouraged the national prepotency of the Albanians, by encouraging them to conduct the Albanian terror, whose ideology is Albanism, and the form is the ultra-right or fascistic terrorism. It took the most intense form in the second half of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century, when the political consequences of that violence warn and threat to the security of the region. The threat to the security of the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century is even more expressed, and the violence over Serbia by some western powers is even more intense. Since the formation of the Serbian state on the Balkan, the Serbs have always struggled only for the existence and survival. By analyzing the historical documents about the expatriation of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija in the last three centuries (1690-2006), one can conclude that from the former Old Serbia (today Kosovo and Metohija), approximately 1.150.000 Serbs have been violently expelled, about 200.000 have been killed, and about 150-200.000 have been converted to Islam. In the Middle Ages there was no special name for this area, except for the general name Serbia. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Albanian separatist terrorist movement represents the great threat to the security on the Balkan, especially after the seizure of 10.887 km2 of the territory of Serbia with the help of the western allies. The Serbs have the constitutional and historical right on Kosovo and Metohija, which is always older than the ethnic right, and the international law is also on the side of Serbia, because the UN Charter forbids the violent seizure of parts of sovereign states. The size of a national community is not determined by its size within one part of the state, but in comparison to the state as a whole, and according to that criteria, the Albanians constitute the national minority in Serbia. No national minority in the world has had the right to its own state. A national community cannot declare itself a nation or a national minority. The political consequences of the effects of the Albanian separatist terrorist movement on the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century warn UN and EU, because the disintegration processes on the Balkan haven’t been finished, according to their opinion, and it is well known that the change of the borders is followed by long and exhausting wars., Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da ukažu na političke posledice dugotrajne primene nasilja na Balkanu od strane albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta prema Srbima. Takođe, da se ukaže na velike greške zapadnih sila koje su u kontinuitetu ohrabrivale Albance na Balkanu da primenjuju nasilje. U drugoj polovini XX veka, one su najdirektnije podsticale nacionalnu prepotentnost Albanaca, ohrabrujući ih da sprovode albanoteror čija je ideologija albanizam a forma ultradesni ili fašisoidni terorizam i to najintenzivnije u drugoj polovini XX i na početku XXI veka kada političke posledice toga nasilja upozoravaju i prete bezbednosti regiona. Pretnja bezbednosti Balkana je na početku XXI veka još izraženija, a nasilje nad Srbijom od strane nekih zapadnih sila još intenzivnije. Od nastanka Srpske države na Balkanu Srbi su se uvek borili samo za postojanje i opstanak. Analizom istorijskih dokumenata o proterivanju Srba sa Kosova i Metohije u poslednja tri veka (1690-2006) može se zaključiti da je iz nekadašnje Stare Srbije (današnje Kosovo i Metohija), nasilno proterano oko 1 150 000 Srba, da ih je oko 200 000 pobijeno i 150-200 000 albanizovano, odnosno prevedeno u islamsku veru. U srednjem veku nije postojalo posebno ime za ovu pokrajinu, osim opšteg imena Srbija. Na početku XXI veka albanski separatističko teroristički pokret predstavlja veliku pretnju bezbednosti na Balkanu, posebno nakon otimanja uz pomoć njihovih zapadnih saveznika 10887 kvadratnih kilometara teritorije Srbije. Srbi imaju ustavno i istorijsko pravo na Kosovu i Metohiji, koje je uvek starije od etničkog prava, a i međunarodno pravo je na strani Srbije, jer Povelja OUN zabranjuje nasilno otimanje delova suverenih zemalja. Brojnost jedne nacionalne zajednice se ne određuje njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru jednog dela države, već njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru cele države, pa i na osnovu tog kriterijuma Albanci su nacionalna manjina u Srbiji. Nigde u svetu do sada nacionalna manjina nije imala pravo na svoju državu. Jedna nacionalna zajednica ne može sama za sebe određivati da li je narod ili nacionalna manjina. Političke posledice delovanja albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta na Balkanu na početku XXI upozoravaju OUN i EU, jer se dezintegracioni procesi na Balkanu po njihovom mišljenju još nisu završili, a poznato je da svako menjanje granica prate dugotrajni i iscrpljujući ratovi.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan, Političke posledice albanskog nasilja na Balkanu",
number = "3",
pages = "133-155",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_449"
}
Gaćinović, R.,& Bajagić, M.. (2012). Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(3), 133-155.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_449
Gaćinović R, Bajagić M. Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan. in Srpska politička misao. 2012;(3):133-155.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_449 .
Gaćinović, Radoslav, Bajagić, Mladen, "Political consequences of the Albanian violence on the Balkan" in Srpska politička misao, no. 3 (2012):133-155,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_449 .

Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state

Gaćinović, Radoslav; Mlađan, Dragan

(Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gaćinović, Radoslav
AU  - Mlađan, Dragan
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://jakov.kpu.edu.rs/handle/123456789/376
AB  - This paper reflects the attempt of the authors to define internal armed rebellion as a conflict which poses a serious threat to the concept od the security system in a democratic state. In the Serbian language the word 'conflict' means 'contraposition', 'disagreement of the opposite views (interests)', 'controversy', 'quarrel', 'hostile armed collision', 'clash' etc. The basis of the philosophical understanding of the conflict was set by Heraclitus. Everything is constantly changing, and each change represents a mean between two opposite states. Conflict is a common phenomena, and everything raises in conflict and necessity. Contemporary theories about social conflicts can be classified to those which understand the conflicts as a pathological state of the social organism, or as a fact of life of the individuals and collectivity, as well as theories which understand conflicts as processes or a certain state. The internal armed rebellion lines up in the medium- intensity conflict, with the aim to grow into a civil war or an insurrection. However, contemporary law draws the difference between a rebellion and a civil law. Contemporary system of international law considers a rebellion as an internal question of the state, and in its exclusive jurisdiction. That means that the rebellion represents a postponed politico- military activity, aimed at achieving total or partial control of the resources of the country by using the nonregular armed forces or illegal political organizations.
AB  - Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da definiše unutrašnju oružanu pobunu kao sukob koji opasno narušava kapacitet sistema bezbednosti demokratske države. U srpskom jeziku reč 'sukob' znači: 'oprečnost', 'razmimoilaženje suprotnih gledišta (interesa)', 'spor', 'svađa', 'neprijateljski oružani sudar', 'okršaj' i sl. Osnove filozofskog shvatanja sukoba postavio je Heraklit. Sve se neprekidno menja i svaka promena predstavlja sredinu između dva suprotna stanja. Sukob je opšta pojava i sve se rađa u sukobu i nužnošću. Savremene teorije o društvenim sukobima mogu se klasifikovati na one koje sukobe shvataju kao patološko stanje društvenog organizma, ili kao činjenicu života pojedinaca i kolektiviteta, kao i teorije koje izučavaju sukobe kao proces ili određeno stanje. Unutrašnja oružana pobuna spada u sukobe srednjeg intenziteta sa težnjom da preraste u građanski rat ili ustanak. Međutim, savremeno pravo podvlači razliku između pobune i građanskog rata. Savremeni sistem međunarodnog prava pobunu smatra unutrašnjom stvari države i u njenoj je isključivoj nadležnosti. Dakle, pobuna predstavlja odloženu vojnopolitičku aktivnost usmerenu ka ostvarivanju potpune ili delimične kontrole resursa zemlje upotrebom neregularnih oružanih snaga ili ilegalnih političkih organizacija.
PB  - Institut za političke studije, Beograd
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state
T1  - Oružana pobuna - problem bezbednosti demokratske države
IS  - 4
SP  - 277
EP  - 293
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_376
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Gaćinović, Radoslav and Mlađan, Dragan",
year = "2011",
abstract = "This paper reflects the attempt of the authors to define internal armed rebellion as a conflict which poses a serious threat to the concept od the security system in a democratic state. In the Serbian language the word 'conflict' means 'contraposition', 'disagreement of the opposite views (interests)', 'controversy', 'quarrel', 'hostile armed collision', 'clash' etc. The basis of the philosophical understanding of the conflict was set by Heraclitus. Everything is constantly changing, and each change represents a mean between two opposite states. Conflict is a common phenomena, and everything raises in conflict and necessity. Contemporary theories about social conflicts can be classified to those which understand the conflicts as a pathological state of the social organism, or as a fact of life of the individuals and collectivity, as well as theories which understand conflicts as processes or a certain state. The internal armed rebellion lines up in the medium- intensity conflict, with the aim to grow into a civil war or an insurrection. However, contemporary law draws the difference between a rebellion and a civil law. Contemporary system of international law considers a rebellion as an internal question of the state, and in its exclusive jurisdiction. That means that the rebellion represents a postponed politico- military activity, aimed at achieving total or partial control of the resources of the country by using the nonregular armed forces or illegal political organizations., Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da definiše unutrašnju oružanu pobunu kao sukob koji opasno narušava kapacitet sistema bezbednosti demokratske države. U srpskom jeziku reč 'sukob' znači: 'oprečnost', 'razmimoilaženje suprotnih gledišta (interesa)', 'spor', 'svađa', 'neprijateljski oružani sudar', 'okršaj' i sl. Osnove filozofskog shvatanja sukoba postavio je Heraklit. Sve se neprekidno menja i svaka promena predstavlja sredinu između dva suprotna stanja. Sukob je opšta pojava i sve se rađa u sukobu i nužnošću. Savremene teorije o društvenim sukobima mogu se klasifikovati na one koje sukobe shvataju kao patološko stanje društvenog organizma, ili kao činjenicu života pojedinaca i kolektiviteta, kao i teorije koje izučavaju sukobe kao proces ili određeno stanje. Unutrašnja oružana pobuna spada u sukobe srednjeg intenziteta sa težnjom da preraste u građanski rat ili ustanak. Međutim, savremeno pravo podvlači razliku između pobune i građanskog rata. Savremeni sistem međunarodnog prava pobunu smatra unutrašnjom stvari države i u njenoj je isključivoj nadležnosti. Dakle, pobuna predstavlja odloženu vojnopolitičku aktivnost usmerenu ka ostvarivanju potpune ili delimične kontrole resursa zemlje upotrebom neregularnih oružanih snaga ili ilegalnih političkih organizacija.",
publisher = "Institut za političke studije, Beograd",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state, Oružana pobuna - problem bezbednosti demokratske države",
number = "4",
pages = "277-293",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_376"
}
Gaćinović, R.,& Mlađan, D.. (2011). Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state. in Srpska politička misao
Institut za političke studije, Beograd.(4), 277-293.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_376
Gaćinović R, Mlađan D. Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state. in Srpska politička misao. 2011;(4):277-293.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_376 .
Gaćinović, Radoslav, Mlađan, Dragan, "Armed rebellion: The problem of security in a democratic state" in Srpska politička misao, no. 4 (2011):277-293,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jakov_376 .